David HarveyCity University of New York, USA

Sadly, Springer’s bowdlerized history eradicates all the complexity and the openness to new ideas that was involved. He makes it seem as if I wrote an influential paper in 1972 that inaugurated the radical turn which Steen Folke (1972) capped by insisting that radical geography had to be only Marxist. After that, my “prolific writings” imprisoned radical geography in the Marxist fold as my work “become the touchstone for the vast majority of radical geographers who have followed” (Springer, 2014: 250). Springer aspires, apparently, to liberate radical geography from this oppressive Marxist power so that it can return to its true anarchist roots.

Construction of Reality and Naturalization of Ideology through the

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The first layer of my free energy onion was being introduced to and the in the 1970s, although without , my journey would have been far different and much shorter.

Perris, L (1998) ‘Implementince; Ducationr Eforms

I am attempting to to help abundance-based paradigms take root in human awareness. If you can help advance that discussion and join my choir, to assist.

David McLellan gives a quotation from Engles and speaks of it as “summarising his views”

The result, David Graeber suggests, is that:

This is emphasized further in Sullivan’s study Teachers Standards and Professionalism where he suggests that teachers have become pawns in the movement to implement right wing ideology across the country, criticising the new management approach to learning which appears to operate more as a business enterprise. How teachers have lost their authority to parents who dictate the way in which they now function.

Lingard, B, Knight, J, Porter, P.H (1993) Schooling Reform in Hard Times: Routledge,

Book & Print in New Zealand: A Guide to Print Culture in Aotearoa

In addition there is a strong emphasis on the relationship between power and knowledge, including a set of educational benchmarks to achieve forward New Right thinking. These predominantly include:

Bell, B and Gilbert, J (1996) Teacher Development: A Model from Science Education: Routledge

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I disagree with that view. The state was the subject of a huge and divisive debate (in which Holloway was a major protagonist) within Marxism for two decades or more. I still think Gramsci and the late Poulantzas worth reading for their insights and Jessop nobly continues the struggle to adapt the Marxist position to current realities. My own simplified view is that the state is a ramshackle set of institutions existing at a variety of geographical scales that internalize a lot of contradictions, some of which can potentially be exploited for emancipatory rather than obfuscatory or repressive ends (its role in public health provision has been crucial to increasing life expectancy for example), even as for the most part it is about hierarchical control, the enforcement of class divisions and conformities and the repression (violent when necessary) of non-capitalistic liberatory human aspirations. Monopoly power within the judiciary (and the protection of private property), over money and the means of exchange and over the means of violence, policing and repression, are its only coherent functions essential to the perpetuation of capital while everything else is sort of optional in relation to the powers of different interest groups (with capitalists and nationalists by far the most influential). But the state has and continues to have a critical role to play in the provision of large-scale physical and social infrastructures. Any revolutionary (or insurrectionary) movement has to reckon with the problem of how to provide such infrastructures. Society (no matter whether capitalist or not) needs to be reproduced and the state has a key role in doing that. In recent times the state has become more and more a tool of capital and far less amenable to any kind of democratic control (other than the crude democracy of money power). This has led to the rising radical demand for direct democracy (which I would support). Yet even now there are still enough examples of the progressive uses of state power for emancipatory ends (for example, in Latin America in recent years) to not give up on the state as a terrain of engagement and struggle for progressive forces of a left wing persuasion.

Davis, R.A (2007) ‘Whose Education Is It Anyway?’ Why It Is Important That

For all of those objections, the deniers’ adoptive ideologies are .

Two schools of non-mainstream analytics have existed for many years, and are generally associated with the radical “left” and “right.” and friends have epitomized the . Their analyses are characterized by careful scholarship and rejecting the assumptions that gird nationalism, capitalism, and organized religion. There are almost , but their work uses a scientific approach that examines societal structures. Their style of analytics is called .